A Letter to America from Michel Barnier

A Letter to America from Michel Barnier
Minister of Foreign Affairs, from the "Wall Street Journal"
Washington DC, November 8, 2004

A Letter to America

I am writing to you as a friend of America. When I think of your great nation, the words "peace," "freedom" and "prosperity" come to mind. Together we have tirelessly promoted these ideals, which underpin our democracies, and -- particularly in the dark hours since September 11 -- we have relentlessly fought the terrorist threat that jeopardizes them.

I am writing to you as the citizen of a country that helped your country secure its own independence and later received your help, as faithful allies and liberators. The ceremonies of the 60th anniversary of D-Day were a stunning tribute to the American soldiers who fell in Normandy to win our freedom and that of Europe. Our destinies are intertwined. History demonstrates this, and economics proves it: two-thirds of your direct investment abroad are made in Europe, and Europe accounts for 75% of foreign direct investment in the U.S. In 2003, our exchange of goods and services approached $400 billion.

France is the largest investor in U.S.stocks after the U.K. These investments represent about 650,000 U.S. jobs. Because of all the things that connect us, I'm concerned about the campaigns against my country, and the recent surge of "French-bashing."

There's a paradox here, since France is actually among your best friends in the fight against terrorism. Our intelligence experts work hand in hand and French special forces fight by your side in Afghanistan. Likewise, France is one of your most solid partners within the Atlantic Alliance. It heads NATO's operations in Kosovo and Afghanistan. It is the second-largest contributor to the NATO Reaction Force. In the end, the most inaccurate clichés are obscuring the most obvious truths. It is time to put a stop to it.

More generally, I'm concerned to see both Americans and Europeans expressing doubts over the future of transatlantic relations, and I'm troubled to see that Europe is misunderstood, if not scorned, in the U.S. The European Union is changing. It has opened to the East. Soon, I hope, it will have a Constitution that will make its institutions more effective and legitimate. It is in America's interest that Europe asserts itself as a powerful, reliable partner. As President Kennedy once said, the U.S. should see "in such a Europe a partner with whom we could deal on a basis of full equality."

Indeed, we have so much to do together to promote democracy, security and development. In the Middle East, first of all, where Europeans have long been involved. Let us recognize without animosity that the war in Iraq deeply divided us. The facts have been established and History will decide. But the important thing now is to turn Iraq into a real success story. France has no other aim. It will not send troops there but it is ready to help train Iraqi security forces and resolve the debt problem, and more broadly, to help prepare Iraq for elections in January.

We must also break the deadlock in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It is the matrix of a number of other conflicts, and serves as the pretext for numerous acts of terrorism. Let us not leave this situation unresolved and the Middle East without a future. Let us revive the Road Map and reactivate the Quartet. We must be ready to accompany any effort in this direction with financial support, but also with an international presence on the ground.

Iran is another priority. Out of concern for developments in the Iranian nuclear program, the Europeans have launched an initiative to obtain all the necessary guarantees from Tehran. This balanced proposal will have a greater chance of success if it enjoys firm American support. Alone, we run the risk of failure. Together we can succeed.

Elsewhere, we must continue working side by side: in Afghanistan, to consolidate that nascent democracy; in Africa, which brings together so many of the challenges of today's world; in the Balkans, so that its countries can complete their transition toward European-Atlantic institutions; and in Haiti, to put an end to the infernal cycle of poverty and instability.

Because we have common interests everywhere, we should have common ambitions. This is why I believe we must give a new impetus to our political relations. When it comes to defense and trade, instruments of cooperation already exist and work well. There's no need to invent new ones. The political dialogue between the EU and the U.S., on the other hand, is insufficient. The time has come to give it more substance. The U.S. election and the signing of the first European Constitution, now in the process of ratification, offer an opportunity to give new momentum to our political partnership. The Europeans, and the French first among them, are waiting for this. Why not convene a high-level group right now, consisting of independent, respected figures from both sides of the Atlantic to explore ways in which we can deepen our political cooperation?

America needs a capable, responsible Europe. And Europe needs a strong America, engaged in world affairs. Transatlantic cooperation has always been an essential condition for peace. Today, in a world that has become more unstable and more dangerous, our alliance is more necessary than ever. Let us make sure that it is able to meet the challenges that await us.

Embassy of France in the United States - November 8, 2004